The Dursunov family of Meskhetian Turks make do in the burned-out shell of their home in the Kyrgyz village of Mayevka. The Meskhetian issue, a legacy of the divide-and-rule policy of the Soviet Union, is also one of the critical issues for Georgia. Josef Stalin drove the Meskhetian Turks living in Georgia from their homelands in 1944, seeking to annihilate them. (Photo: AP, Maxim Shubovich)
24 April 2013 /
Georgia has been struggling with a number of ethnic and regional problems since it gained its independence from the Soviet Union and is currently working to settle these problems. However, even the recently created Ministry of Reintegration that deals with these matters has problems with how to handle these issues.
After the elections in October of last year, the Georgian Dream coalition led by Bidzina Ivanishvili formed a government and decided to focus on the settlement of the regional issues of the country and reconcile with Armenia and Russia. Holding that the Abkhazia and South Ossetia issues could be resolved by getting along with Russia, the Tbilisi administration is also working to agree on different options for the settlement of other potentially disruptive regional issues.
The Meskhetian issue, a legacy of the divide-and-rule policy of the Soviet Union, is also one of the critical issues for Georgia. Josef Stalin, who drove the Meskhetian Turks living in Georgia from their homelands in 1944 as part of a larger policy of displacement of the Central Asian people, sought to annihilate these people because of their potential threat to the security of the Soviet Union due to their proximity to the Turkish border.
The Meskhetian Turks became hopeful of returning to their homeland after the collapse of the Soviet Union; however, they faced nationalistic policies by Georgia and the barriers associated with the settlement of the Armenians in their homeland. With the introduction of a law in 2007, Meskhetian Turks were conditionally allowed to return to their former settlements. The primary reasons for the conditions were connected to the fact that the region was predominantly Armenian now and that new settlements would not be appropriate in the region. This issue was kept alive by Turkey's initiative in the Georgian political agenda and Georgian politicians were encouraged to give the green light to their return to the region.
Speaking on the matter, Georgian Foreign Minister Maia Panjikidze, who met with her Turkish and Azerbaijani counterparts last month in Batumi, said that Georgia has been carefully working on this issue to ensure the return of the Meskhetian Turks. It was also noted that 5,000 people have applied to return and that 1,000 applications have been concluded so far. Noting that this issue was part of Georgia's mandate in the fulfilment of the requirements in its Council of Europe membership bid, the Georgian authorities also pledged that all necessary steps would be taken. Shortly after this statement, the Armenian diaspora made some interesting remarks. The Javaheti Armenian diaspora in Russia has strongly underlined that the Meskhetian Turks would not be able to return to Georgia.
The diaspora's statement is not a new development because the Armenians in the region have posed problems for the Tbilisi administration for years, making the region susceptible to the ethnic conflicts. The region is defined as part of Greater Armenia; as a result, the first clash erupted in 1918 due to the sensitivity of the Georgians towards this matter. This land that fell under the control of the Caucasian Muslim Army which Ottoman Chief of Staff Enver Paşa created to save Azerbaijan and Dagestan was the main cause of a war between Georgia and the Armenian Democratic Republic back then. The Armenians claimed historical rights over Lori, Javaheti and Borçalı, which mainly constitute the Meskhetian homeland, as well as waged an unnecessary war for both parties. Javaheti, referred to as the land that needed to be saved, is declared by Armenian nationalists as a region that should become autonomous. Statements by Vardan Sedrakyan, who ran for president in Armenia in February, are exemplary of this matter. Speaking to the Russian media, Sedrakyan said that Armenia missed a great chance in the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 by not invading the south of Georgia.
The Georgian policy that Armenians who predominantly live in the south referred to as “white genocide” due to the failure of cultural, political and religious adaptation includes some controversial aspects in the new era. Bold reforms were introduced to improve the living standards and cultural rights of the Armenians in the region. In addition to Tbilisi's eagerness to alleviate the tension with Russia, the desire to get along with Armenia has also played a role in this. To this end, the Georgian government upholds that peace and settlement should be achieved in the regions populated with different ethnic groups, including the areas where Armenians live.
Armenian politicians who now raise criticisms less frequently against the Tbilisi government after the coming of the Georgian Dream Coalition to power asked for the reparation of their churches and the release of the activists; these demands were honored by the Georgian government. To this end, Vahagn Cakalyan, who has been involved in provocative actions and worked for an independent Armenian administration in the Javaheti region, was released after a general amnesty in January. The release of Cakalyan, who was sentenced to 10 years in prison in 2009, was strongly criticized by President Mikheil Saakashvili, who argued that he was a Russian agent and that the government complied with the Russian demands in this case.
Georgia's Armenian question was frozen after the introduction of a balanced policy; however, the domestic nationalistic movements and additional activities of the Armenian separatists may cause further problems in the short term. This will make the return of the Meskhetian Turks more difficult. In addition, the new government's initiatives to please the Armenians in the region and Armenia raise some questions on the sincerity of the government, which also makes constructive statements on the return of the Meskhetian Turks. Georgia, which takes into consideration the strategic relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan, also needs to honor the promises it has given in respect to the protection of human rights to Turkey and Europe while devising a balanced policy. In addition, Turkey needs to make additional initiatives to ensure that cultural and religious pressures over the Muslims in the region are lifted and to closely keep track of the developments in relation to the Meskhetian issue.
*Mehmet Fatih Öztarsu is an analyst at the Strategic Outlook Institution.
The Meskhetian issue, a legacy of the divide-and-rule policy of the Soviet Union, is also one of the critical issues for Georgia. Josef Stalin, who drove the Meskhetian Turks living in Georgia from their homelands in 1944 as part of a larger policy of displacement of the Central Asian people, sought to annihilate these people because of their potential threat to the security of the Soviet Union due to their proximity to the Turkish border.
The Meskhetian Turks became hopeful of returning to their homeland after the collapse of the Soviet Union; however, they faced nationalistic policies by Georgia and the barriers associated with the settlement of the Armenians in their homeland. With the introduction of a law in 2007, Meskhetian Turks were conditionally allowed to return to their former settlements. The primary reasons for the conditions were connected to the fact that the region was predominantly Armenian now and that new settlements would not be appropriate in the region. This issue was kept alive by Turkey's initiative in the Georgian political agenda and Georgian politicians were encouraged to give the green light to their return to the region.
Speaking on the matter, Georgian Foreign Minister Maia Panjikidze, who met with her Turkish and Azerbaijani counterparts last month in Batumi, said that Georgia has been carefully working on this issue to ensure the return of the Meskhetian Turks. It was also noted that 5,000 people have applied to return and that 1,000 applications have been concluded so far. Noting that this issue was part of Georgia's mandate in the fulfilment of the requirements in its Council of Europe membership bid, the Georgian authorities also pledged that all necessary steps would be taken. Shortly after this statement, the Armenian diaspora made some interesting remarks. The Javaheti Armenian diaspora in Russia has strongly underlined that the Meskhetian Turks would not be able to return to Georgia.
Georgia's 'Armenian' issue
The diaspora, noting that the call for the return of the Meskhetians was unacceptable, has also issued a declaration containing four items where they asked for consideration of the following points: The return of the Turks will pose a danger for security in the region; Georgia's territorial integrity will be challenged because the returning Turks will attempt to integrate with Turkey; the Armenians and Georgians in the region will adopt hostile attitudes towards the Turks and this will ignite ethnic turmoil and there will be a problem of settlement in the region. Georgian analysts, on the other hand, say that the Armenians in the region pose a problem relevant to the territorial integrity and that they have found this statement odd.The diaspora's statement is not a new development because the Armenians in the region have posed problems for the Tbilisi administration for years, making the region susceptible to the ethnic conflicts. The region is defined as part of Greater Armenia; as a result, the first clash erupted in 1918 due to the sensitivity of the Georgians towards this matter. This land that fell under the control of the Caucasian Muslim Army which Ottoman Chief of Staff Enver Paşa created to save Azerbaijan and Dagestan was the main cause of a war between Georgia and the Armenian Democratic Republic back then. The Armenians claimed historical rights over Lori, Javaheti and Borçalı, which mainly constitute the Meskhetian homeland, as well as waged an unnecessary war for both parties. Javaheti, referred to as the land that needed to be saved, is declared by Armenian nationalists as a region that should become autonomous. Statements by Vardan Sedrakyan, who ran for president in Armenia in February, are exemplary of this matter. Speaking to the Russian media, Sedrakyan said that Armenia missed a great chance in the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 by not invading the south of Georgia.
The Georgian policy that Armenians who predominantly live in the south referred to as “white genocide” due to the failure of cultural, political and religious adaptation includes some controversial aspects in the new era. Bold reforms were introduced to improve the living standards and cultural rights of the Armenians in the region. In addition to Tbilisi's eagerness to alleviate the tension with Russia, the desire to get along with Armenia has also played a role in this. To this end, the Georgian government upholds that peace and settlement should be achieved in the regions populated with different ethnic groups, including the areas where Armenians live.
Armenian politicians who now raise criticisms less frequently against the Tbilisi government after the coming of the Georgian Dream Coalition to power asked for the reparation of their churches and the release of the activists; these demands were honored by the Georgian government. To this end, Vahagn Cakalyan, who has been involved in provocative actions and worked for an independent Armenian administration in the Javaheti region, was released after a general amnesty in January. The release of Cakalyan, who was sentenced to 10 years in prison in 2009, was strongly criticized by President Mikheil Saakashvili, who argued that he was a Russian agent and that the government complied with the Russian demands in this case.
Georgia's Armenian question was frozen after the introduction of a balanced policy; however, the domestic nationalistic movements and additional activities of the Armenian separatists may cause further problems in the short term. This will make the return of the Meskhetian Turks more difficult. In addition, the new government's initiatives to please the Armenians in the region and Armenia raise some questions on the sincerity of the government, which also makes constructive statements on the return of the Meskhetian Turks. Georgia, which takes into consideration the strategic relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan, also needs to honor the promises it has given in respect to the protection of human rights to Turkey and Europe while devising a balanced policy. In addition, Turkey needs to make additional initiatives to ensure that cultural and religious pressures over the Muslims in the region are lifted and to closely keep track of the developments in relation to the Meskhetian issue.
*Mehmet Fatih Öztarsu is an analyst at the Strategic Outlook Institution.