| | | MARKAR ESAYAN
m.esayan@todayszaman.com | ![]() |
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| | | Now almost nobody denies the contributions by the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), which came to power on Nov. 3, 2002, and defeated the civilian and military guardianship during its term in office in this country. In the 2000s, the people were eagerly expressing their demands for further democracy. However, the country was being administered poorly. I am not sure whether or not there was a democratic administration; but the democracy we had back then was not sufficient for us. For us, being ruled by such a mindset of the state was not bearable and was a kind of humiliation. | |
This state apparatus was suffering from defects and the status quo. People were dying in a suspicious conflict for reasons that were not apparent, and we questioned this. Privileged elites and groups exploited the economic resources of the country after the Feb. 28 coup. It was also interesting to witness retired generals -- who were responsible for the Feb 28 process -- being hired by banks and holding companies as members on their executive boards.
We had a remarkable decade that was full of stress, joy, rage and worries. Two social groups that were opposed to each other in the establishment of the republic took different positions. The disadvantaged men of the republic were asking for democracy and change; in other words, the blacks supported the AK Party as the carrier of political change. These blacks, consisting of religious people and the Kurds, as well as non-Muslims, democrats and liberal leftists, were asking for what they were entitled to: equality with the white Turks.
The natural outcome was the emergence of polarization as the general political motive. The whites -- who viewed the AK Party's reforms as the erosion of their privileges -- reluctantly supported the pro-status quo Republican People's Party (CHP). They categorically opposed reforms. This put them in an irrational position where they experienced depression. The CHP's image was weakened by a lack of political attitude. It failed to deliver promises to its supporters. The AK Party has filled the whole political stage. This unbalanced political structure caused serious pressure that has created an earthquake. What happened in the Gezi crisis was the fracture of this fault line.
Now, Turkey has a serious crisis as well as a serious opportunity. This encounter could be an opportunity for reconciliation or polarization that could cause further problems as well. We should note that these two major groups experienced much interaction and encounter in the Gezi crisis for the first time. The stereotypes that had been perceived by most people turned into real persons. It is now time for politics to adapt to this situation.
I am not sure whether or not we could expect this from the opposition. It cannot be said that they look promising concerning this matter. The government will bear the burden this time as well. This burden is to act decisively to end the era of polarization and to respond to popular demands for further democracy. This could be done if the government makes a distinction between the democratic demands in Gezi and the coup attempts, and it changes the perception that non-AK Party voters that are not represented by the opposition are also part of the other side of the polarized setting.
This means that the party will act both as ruling and opposition party. This is not consistent with the usual rules of politics in Turkey, but it is not impossible. What we need is a new political style that is embracive, calm, emphatic, reformist, democratic and interactive. People are tired of polarization, harsh discourse and fights. Nobody wants to experience a second Gezi crisis that results in a nightmare. Politics must progress toward democracy. If it does this, the government could achieve its 2023 goals.
I hope that this latest crisis is our last polarization and that reunion comes out of this encounter. |
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